In the history of
India’s freedom movement, if anybody had played a very significant as well as a
controversial role, he was not other than Mohammed Ali Jinnah.
Starting his political
career as a moderate leader of Indian National Congress like Gopal Krishna
Gokhale, Surendra Nath Baneijee, Feroz Shah Melita etc., he ended his life in
the chessboard of communal politics.
He was able not only to
regulate the history of the liberation movement; he also could change the map
of India with the creation of a separate Muslim majority nation.
Taking birth in a lower
middle class family of Karachi in December 187G, this ambitious man went to
London to study law. He started his legal career in Bombay and got the chance
to be the close associate of Feroz Shah Mehta and Gokhale. In the earlier days,
Jinnah was a nationalist. He won great applause when he defended and saved
Lokamanya Tilak in the sedition case of 1908 and 1916. It is the paradox of
Indian history that, Jinnah joined the Indian National Congress in 1906 and in
this year the All India Muslim League came into existence.
Though he started his
political career in the National Congress, yet his political ambition of
getting a separate state for the Muslims was realized through the Muslim
League. When he was elected as a member of the Imperial Legislative Council in
1910 and 1916, he behaved as a moderate in the House and demanded for certain
educational and administrative rights of the people. He could realize the value
of individual liberty and the need of harmony among various sections of the
people for the sake of national interest. When Jinnah joined the Muslim League
in 1913, he did not even realize the need of resigning from the Congress. He
also had joined the Home Rule League.
When the Congress and
the Muslim League held their annual session at Lucknow in 1916, as a Congress
leader Jinnah presided over the Muslim League and advocated for the close unity
between the Hindus and the Muslims. He realized that the real progress of India
would be possible only through the co-operation and harmonious relations
between the Hindus and Muslims. In 1919, he criticized the Rowlatt Act and in
protest of it he resigned from the Central Legislative Council.
But gradually, the gulf
between the Congress and Jinnah went widened. He did not approve the
involvement of the Congress in Kliilafat problem which introduced religious
issue into the national movement. Moreover, he opposed to be involved in an
extraterritorial matter like the political problems of Turkey. Jinnah by nature
was very much ambitious and always wanted to be in the centre stage of the
national politics. So, he did not like the undisputed leadership of Gandhiji in
the National Congress. He alleged that Gandhi could capture the Congress in
1920 with the assistance of pro-Khilafat Muslims. So he opposed for the
opposition sake, the Gandhian method of Non-Cooperation Movement.
In the Nagpur session
of December 1920, the decision to launch the movement was endorsed. He opposed
the resolution on the ground that it would lead to chaos and anarchy. Being
unable to prevent it, he left Congress. While delivering a speech at Poona in
February 1921, Jinnah said that in place of the Gandhian Programme of
non-cooperation he wanted a concrete political programme.
However, Jinnah
continued to be a nationalist. He was appointed as a member of the Muddiman
Committee in 1924 which examined the working of the Government of India Act
1919. He signed the minority report along-with Sivaswamy Iyer, Tej Bahadur
Sapru etc. which proposed the termination of the diarchy. He also boycotted the
Simon Commission in 1928. Gradually, he emerged as a defender of the cause of
Muslims. He was opposed to the Nehru Report of 1928, although it had given more
seats to the Muslims than they were entitled to on the basis of population. In
opposition to the Nehru Report, he put forward his fourteen Points in 1929.
The important points of
it were: continuation of separate electorates, not less than 1/3 representation
of the Muslims in the Central Legislature, at least one-third Muslim
representation in the Central cabinet and in each provincial cabinet,
reservation in services for Muslims, safeguards for Muslim religion, culture
and personal law, no territorial redistribution in Muslim majority provinces like
Punjab, Bengal and North West Frontier Province etc.
After the death of
Maulana Mohammed Ali in 1931, the long cherished aspiration of Jinnah to get
the topmost position of the Muslim League was fulfilled. As per the provision
of the Government of India Act 1935, when election was held in 1937, the Muslim
League participated in it under the leadership of Jinnah.
In 1939, he put forward
the claim of the Muslim League for fifty- fifty share of political power with
the National Congress. India was made a party with the Britain in Second World
War and the Congress Governments resigned in October 1939 in protest of the
decision. When the Congress was out of power, the Muslim League observed it as
the “Day of Deliverance”. It implied that the Muslims became free from the
tyranny, oppression and injustice of the Congress rule. His Muslim League
helped the British Government in its war efforts.
He claimed the Muslim
League to be the sole representative of the Muslims in India. He characterised
the Congress as a purely Hindu organisation. He was alarmed by the gospel of
“Hindu Rashtra” advocated by Savarkar. He apprehended the domination of
caste-bound Hindus over others, in case a democracy on the western model would
be established in India. He raised the emotionally charged slogans of “Congress
tyranny” and “Hindu domination”.
In March 1940, at the
Lahore session of the Muslim League, he put forward his doctrine of “Two
Nations”. He pointed out that it was impossible to establish in India the bond
of homogeneity which is the very foundation of the western democracy. Writing a
letter to Gandhiji on 15th September 1944, he pointed out that the Muslims
and Hindus were two major nations by any definition or test. He became
absolutely uncompromising and insisted that partition was the sole solution to
Hindu-Muslim differences.
He advocated dividing
India into two sovereign parts of Hindustan and Pakistan. The idea of Pakistan
was first conceived by Mohammad Iqbal as a separate state for the Indian
Muslims. Jinnah insisted on it and also was supported by several Muslim
organisations.
Though Gandhiji wanted
to reach at a compromise with Jinnah through the “Rajaji Formula”, Jinnah
rejected the offer. While Gandhiji insisted on a partition by mutual consent
only after British Government left India, Jinnah demanded partition before
independence under his leadership, Muslim League gradually gained strength.
While in the election of 1937, the League won only twenty five percent of the
Muslim seats, in 1946, it secured ninety percent of seats. With this strength,
Jinnah had become uncompromising and rigid. The Simla Conference of 1945 and
the Cabinet Mission Plan of 1946 failed primarily due to his attitude.
The Cabinet Mission
Plan rejected the idea of a separate independent Muslim state. This plan was
unacceptable to the Muslim League and Jinnah as a desperate means of protest,
appealed the Muslims throughout India to observe 16th August 1946 as the
“Direct Action Day”. This call created the danger of severe violent communal
disturbances in the history of India.
Thus, partition became
inevitable before the grant of freedom. To save the people from further
violence, the leaders of the Congress accepted the Mountbatten Plan on
partition of India into two sovereign states—India and Pakistan. Pakistan was
created on 14th August 1947 and Jinnah became the first Governor General
of Pakistan. A long cherished ambition of his life was fulfilled.
As a shrewd politician,
Jinnah surpassed all his contemporaries including Mahatma Gandhi. However, his
life was full of paradoxes. While he was an Indian in colour and blood, by
taste and manner he was an English. He started his public life as a moderate
leader of the Congress, but ended in sharp opposition to it.
He became a
fundamentalist by identifying himself with the broader interest of the Indian
Muslims, but he did not have any personal regards for Islam. He even did not
know Urdu. While Gandhiji made religion closely linked with politics primarily
with the aim of providing a moral base to it, Jinnah used religion for
political gain only. His ‘Two Nation” theory not only partitioned India, it
also laid the foundation of communalism for which India is being suffering.
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